The dastardly October 1 bombing incident in which several lives were lost has triggered off a seemingly full-fledged war in the Niger Delta, with the military poised to flush out remnants of the Niger Delta militants. Once more, the region is in the news again. Formerly Melford Dokubo Goodhead Jnr, Alhaji Mujahid Dokubo Asari needs no introduction. He remains, whether for good or bad reasons, a major stakeholder in the Niger Delta debacle, known simply as Asari. The threatening dimension the ‘war’ in the Delta has taken has once more brought to the fore the complexity surrounding the amnesty granted militants in the region. Reproduced here is a past interview with Asari frm WWW.SAHARAREPORTERS.COM, where he spoke on the genesis of the crisis, making revelations that are not only deep but shocking. This interview will keep you glued to your seat.
Prologue
It is said that at times silence is not golden. This is one of those periods when silence can no longer be golden. Those who sit in the comfort of their homes and try to confer on themselves credentials that can not be verified in the creeks, waterways or the swamps of the Ijaw and Niger Delta territories should keep quiet when those who possess authentic and verifiable credentials are on the podium. Too much has not been said. If we do not separate criminality frm the struggle even God will abandon us. We must learn to call a spade a spade. And we must learn to work with the facts.
Introduction
Ordinarily, I would not have commented on the issue of this bloodthirsty criminal, Henry Okah if those who knew so little had learnt to keep quiet. I met Henry Okah on the 3rd of February, 2003 at the residence of a mutual friend who introduced him to me as an Ijaw man who deals in arms. I placed my orders for a N6.8 million worth of firearms and paid him cash on the spot in advance of the delivery. Henry Okah was so elated that he told the mutual friend that he had not seen an Ijaw man who was so ready to part with his cash for the sake of the Ijaw struggle.
When I met him on the day of the delivery of the arms at the designated point, Henry Okah asked me if I was engaged in bunkering or a recipient of government patronage to be so committed to the struggle. I told him no to either and made specific reference to my support of bunkering since the oil was ours but was opposed to the environmental impact it had as a side effect to the actions of bunkering. He said in return that struggles couldn’t be carried out with personal funds, as we Ijaws do not have the type of money to pursue a struggle. I told him that the struggle must first be moral as there was no way God would help us if we were like our enemies. He replied that I should open my eyes as even the people in Afghanistan engaged in hard drugs and trafficking to survive. I told him that as a learned Muslim I could say categorically that those who purchase arms through haram (illegal) money are not fighting in the cause of God. There are people alive today who can confirm.
Later on I ordered for more arms frm him when the crisis in Warri re-ignited between June and July of 2003. I sold my house in Johannesburg, South Africa, which I bought in 2002 during the Earth Summit and promptly paid him N4.5 million cash. The arms were duly delivered to our brothers in Ogbe-Ijo. Again there are living witnesses to this.
The Rivers State Crisis
The relationship between us continued on a cordial note and I asked Henry to open credit line for me. He supplied me arms worth N2.5 million on August 7, 2003 because of the threat frm Ateke Tom’s Icelandic cult to overrun Buguma my hometown. When the crisis became full blown I relocated to Warri and stayed at the house of the now Honourable Timinimi George, shuttling between Okerenkoko and Warri. I made several appeals to Henry Okah to assist me with more credit facilities, which he delayed. Firstly, he asked Tom Polo to facilitate the recovery of my arms, which I had sent to Warri, which they had used but refused to return to me. Tom Polo tried to secure the return of these arms but it was largely unsuccessful. Tom Polo then decided, of his own volition to give me 50 AK 47s with which I used to launch the first series of attacks on the stronghold of the Icelanders.
All my attacks were successful. It was only then that Henry Okah decided to send 50 AK 47s, 10 General Purpose machine guns and 10 cans of bullets. With this success Henry was excited and decided that he could send in about 5,000 rifles if I assured him that the money would be paid. Before then I had paid Henry a total of N13.24 million as part payment for the 50 AK 47s, 10 General Purpose machine guns, 10 cans of bullets and the N2.5million credit line he had provided for me earlier. This left an outstanding sum of N11.86 million to be paid later. With hindsight I truly believe our rapid success without help frm any of the other militant groups was a cause of concern to Henry and others. He wanted us to slow down. Later on we discovered that he began supplying arms to Ateke Tom through a special adviser to the governor of Rivers State of Ogoni extraction. He was the same person responsible for arms recovery frm militants. It is also on record that apart frm this treachery in Rivers State, Henry Okah was also supplying arms to Itsekiris in Delta State. It might be worth mentioning so as to soften that blow that Henry’s wife is half Itsekiri and his driver for arms distribution is a full blooded Itsekiri man. Once again there are living witnesses to these claims; just so you know the man we are dealing with.
After promising the additional 5,000 rifles, Henry never fulfilled this promise but instead dried up his supply and passed word to the Ateke camp that we were short of arms. We waited in vain for his promised supply. Luckily a Muslim brother of Ijaw extraction had some alternative links with some Igbo arms suppliers who were very impressed when I demonstrated that I knew Ralph Uwazuruike and even asked me to advise him that arms struggle was the only way to sit up and take notice. A few days to the final attack on August 27, 2004, – the famous Operation Dennis Fiberesinma, these people gave us 572 AK 47s and 50 General Purpose machine guns at almost 30 per cent of the price that Henry Okah had been giving them to me. With our success on the Operation Dennis Fiberesinma campaign, Henry Okah then started calling to say he could now supply arms.
By then we had donations coming in torrents frm our Ijaw brothers, mainly Okrika and Kalabari people. And it was frm here that we were able to pay off our Igbo benefactors and the tricky, cunning and very wicked Henry Okah. All the treachery and backstabbing were unknown to us at that time. Despite his failings we still celebrated his efforts and had even coined him at the time as ‘Master of Arms’, frm where many now call him Master. When I returned frm Abuja, what appeared a surprise to me then but seems so clear now was the coincidental and timely arrest of my two main Igbo arms suppliers, one of whose whereabouts nothing has been heard of since. Only two people aside frm me knew of our transactions and one of them, Fara was to cross over to Henry Okah’s legacy of criminality, which I will unravel later.
*Return Of Arms*
During the course of the Abuja peace meeting, it was resolved that the parties to the crisis should disarm, but I refused. I maintained that the arms belonged to the communities and could not ask the communities to give them up since I did not procure it for them. Henry Okah pleaded with me that I should go along with it as we could use it to make more money to buy more arms. For three weeks I refused to oblige him. He recruited a top Ijaw politician and a mutual friend of both of us to plead with me to see reason while it was important for my security and well-being.
When this mutual friend failed, he then enlisted his adviser to the governor friend who was in charge of the arms recovery to further highlight the economic advantages of the return of the arms as Henry himself would bring the arms and resell to government. I later agreed and set up a time with the government to bring my arms.
At the appointed time, Henry Okah, who was to bring arms frm the camp of Tom Polo never did. In order not to lose my credibility, I then turned to another one of my Igbo benefactors who brought in 250 AK 47s that I used to save my face. Together with some of my arms in the camp I made my first returns to government. It was then that Henry brought in 1,300 G3 rifles as part of the first 5,000 consignments he promised me before now but had said were around before the end of the crises. At the end of the final return we had turned in 2,377 G3 rifles, 611 AK 47s, 47 GPMGs and two rocket launchers. Most of the AK 47s were not supplied by Henry and the G3 rifles were easy to let go as none of the fighters in their right minds wanted a G3 beside him in battle. They would rather carry sticks and tie Egbesu. Henry Okah is alive and one day may testify to this. His price of a G3 was even higher than our Igbo friends supplied an AK 47 while his GPMGs were twice their price. Still we appreciated him. Even though his prices were steep, his timing was unreliable, he was Ijaw and he could bring in large volumes. In the times of war and crisis, price did not matter; it was volume as money is of no use to a dead man. Besides we had learnt never to rely on one source. Even to this day.
Equatorial Guinea Connections
One morning in March, 2005, I cannot precisely remember the date now, a group of Bush Boys, aka Peacemakers of Okrika, arrived in my house and were shouting at the top of their voices, casting aspersions on my integrity and impartiality as a leader. I came out and asked them to leave if they would not behave themselves. They refused to leave and said that I was denying them food to eat and that they were angry with me. Presido we dey vex, now wey e don reach to chop you dey go select people for our back make them go chop for Panya (Equatorial Guinea). I was astounded and called Sunny Opuambe, the general commander of the Bush Boys to come and take his boys away frm my compound before I lose my temper. He came and asked them to leave. He then advised me to go in and he talked with them. Later he explained that Panya was a recruitment drive for Equatorial Guinea by somebody called Black Moses on my behalf and it involved people receiving N500, 000.00 each to go to Equatorial Guinea. The first person I called was Henry Okah who told me that he knew nothing of it. I later called around and found out that Commander Richman Yimbrin and Commander Three Lions were involved in the recruitment alongside Black Moses. I learnt that the boys were to be recruited to topple the government of Equatorial Guinea.I called George Timinimi to enquire and he said that such a movement had no backing of the Western axis. I called Henry Okah again and impressed on him that whoever was responsible was endangering the lives of not only the boys but also the Ijaw people who constituted the majority of the foreigners settled in the coastal areas of Equatorial Guinea. He still feigned ignorance. I then reported the matter to the State Security Services and the Nigerian Navy intercepted the first batch that had already left for Equatorial Guinea. These Equatorial Guinea mutineers led by Colonel Ella Lebang were arrested and taken to Abuja. Richman Yimbrin was arrested at Government House PH where he had gone to see the CSO to the governor, Mr Larry Pepple. During interrogations at the SSS headquarters it was learnt that those arrested, including Yimbrin were recruited by Henry Okah who also provided the arms for the operation. I confronted Henry again who again denied his involvement, calling Richman a liar.
The Turning Point
A few days later my wife, Hajiya Mujahidat Daba Dokubo Asari called to tell me there were plans to kill me by Henry Okah in league with some of my friends. I told her that such plans were ridiculous as Henry would not harm me first because of our relationship, and second because we had returned guns jointly and were awaiting the proceeds of the turn in. Still I called Henry and confronted him on it, to which he replied that such rumours were borne out of a desire to divide us. He also asked me to advise my wife to stay out of the matters of men.
Curiously, a few days later some of my commanders, led by General Abiye Abaku Fara Dagogo, Bright George, Opu Kula, Kenneth Dan, Ethelbert, Napoleon Dagogo, Stephen George, Boma George, came and demanded that I should give account of
money so far received frm the arms already turned in. I told them that it was none of their business as they did not pay one Naira for those arms and they did not know the source of those arms. The next day they mobilised themselves with over thirteen buses and motorcycles brandishing guns and other dangerous weapons.
They on seeing a superior force and on realising the futility of their actions, proceeded to Government House and stayed there till midnight. I called and complained to Larry, the CSO, who said they were pacifying them and would call a meeting two days later in Government House. After they left Government House that night they went to see Judith Asunni, an American involved in peace work and conflict resolution at the Protea apartments in New GRA, where it was confirmed in collaboration with the Government House that the meeting in two days would hold.
Judith had at the time fallen out with me because she had tagged NDPVF as a cult group. Consequently, she had promised to strip me of all my good press and destroy my name. This resulted in an open quarrel involving people like Ann Kio Briggs and George Kerley having an open conflict with her. I said very little at the time. Later, a few persons who had sought refuge frm me at the time of the crises joined her for access to the benefits she was receiving frm government — Jaypee, Albert Akalogbo alias Olo, Theodre Fubara, Omo boy and others. I discovered frm inside sources that the plan was to humiliate me and strip me naked at that meeting and beat me publicly. On that fateful day, I mobilised over 100 buses and motorcycles, shut Port Harcourt down and marched on foot to Government House where they in connivance with the authorities had taken cover. Odili fled the Government House and live bullets were fired into the crowd while the police were busy securing the criminals who were behind them.
Several people were injured and the press reported the matter widely. Two days later, Boma George and Fara and others held a meeting with Henry Okah and George Timinimi and others, purporting to find a peaceful resolution to the crisis. I was not invited to that meeting. The boys were openly boasting of their Henry Okah backing and dismissed me as irrelevant.
Once again I confronted Henry Okah who denied this and insisted all efforts were for peace. Later I got a sense of the thinking of Henry when I heard he complained to our mutual friend that I was acting as if I was the unilateral voice of Ijaw people wondering who ascribed this role to me and citing the PRONACO dialogue, e.t.c. On hearing this I called him and he backtracked and said that I should have consulted with other Ijaw leaders. I advised him that I had and reminded him that Bello Oboko, George Timinimi, Isaac Osuaka, Ann Kio Briggs, Tony Oruanta, Mieabiye Kuromiema, Weri Dighifa, Kalada Jene and Comrade Joseph Evah were also in attendance. He said he did not know these facts but I should consult with the genuine stakeholders. I asked him who these genuine stakeholders were. I explained IYC representation by Mieabiye, FNDIC represented by Bello Oboko, Joseph Evah former INC and I as a former president of IYC had a good pedigree for consultation.
In May 2005, in preparation for the Boro Day celebration, former governor, Alams advised that I should not enter Yenagoa. I promptly called Henry Okah and reasoned with him on the benefits of the occasion for Ijaws as a one-million-man march peacefully conducted will send a strong signal, especially for the participants at the Political Reforms conference. Henry called back later, saying Alams was out of town and not reachable. On the May 16, before we proceeded frm PH to Yenagoa, Alams sent Prince Kakas Amgbare to stop the march, as he was ready to defray all costs. I refused and proceeded and faced all sorts of embarrassment, including the arrest and detention of our participants. The one-million-man march was eventually aborted but Alams himself regretted it even though he was later to confess that he had received five hired assassins frm the federal government and had kept them in Government House waiting to kill me. His refusal to allow me into Yenagoa, he said, was directly linked to his plan to prevent my killing.
Later on Henry was reported to have said to our mutual friend that if they do not do something to benchmark my rising profile I would soon take all the credit for the struggle. Also a female friend of mine in Warri had said I should steer clear of Warri as they had finalised plans to kill me in Warri as a Kalabari man would never be allowed to lead the Ijaw struggle.True to this I visited Warri on the June 17, 2005 for the naming ceremony of my daughter, Halima Elebabene Dokubo Asari when my house was attacked in Warri by boys who never participated, or whose contribution to our success was near zero. The fight was fierce and many of their boys were injured. In the fracas that ensued about five of them lay in critical condition. Julius their leader was in surgery for several hours before they could save his life.